DATE

6/4/25

TIME

6:19 PM

LOCATION

Oakland, CA

Autumn Harvest Uprising

秋收起义

8-1: 秋收起义前夕

1927年,从4月12日的四一二清党,到9月9日的到秋收起义之间这5个月,其实是中共上下最混乱、最痛苦、也最迅速激进化的一段时间。Chatgpt说,我可以把它理解为从幻想统一战线到武装夺权之间的急转弯。

1927年4月12日,蒋介石在上海发动清党,屠杀共产党人与左翼组织。随后湖南、武汉、广州等地效仿,工会、农会被取缔,大量基层骨干被捕、被杀。共产党组织体系在城市迅速崩溃,党心大乱。很多人不明白怎么突然就革命失败了,原本是同志,一夜之间就变通缉犯。这段时期最常见的情绪是:惊恐、困惑、焦灼、仇恨。

中共党内大分裂,大家不确定,是走还是打?以武汉政府为中心的陈独秀派,主张继续革命统一战线,维持与汪精卫合作,反对马上武装起义。但他被指右倾投降主义,7月被免去总书记职务。而共产国际与周恩来、瞿秋白等人认为必须反击,主张在南方各地发动武装暴动。他们强调枪杆子里面出政权,此时这话还不是毛先生说的,是党内主流逐渐形成。这就是中共从宣传革命转向组织暴动的开端。

7月中旬起,三大起义计划出炉。南昌起义,在8月1日,由周恩来、贺龙、叶挺等人策划,算是中共第一场有军队背景的反击。短暂占领南昌,5天后失败。而秋收起义,则由毛先生泽东牵头,在湘赣边发动农民暴动,目标是攻占长沙。最后是广州起义,12月由张太雷、叶剑英策划,是最后一次大规模城市暴动。所有起义都失败了,但毛先生在失败中拐弯了。他放弃了城市、接受了农村、重新组织了军队。这是他的分水岭。

毛先生在上海亲历四一二事件,逃离后回湖南。5月,他以湖南省委名义发表《湖南农民运动考察报告》删节版。6月–7月,他在湘潭、安源等地组织恢复农会,并秘密策划暴动。8月,他奉命组建秋收起义前敌委员会,带队进入湘赣边。9月9日,秋收起义正式爆发。


8-2: 起义细节

秋天的雨还没来,湘赣边的空气却已经沉得像一口井。1927年9月9日,秋收起义正式爆发。这是一场被中央批准的战略反攻。表面上它有动员,有指挥系统,有路线图。目标是进军长沙,占领湖南,建立苏维埃。

可实际上,这支军队刚刚组建,军心未定,粮弹不继。毛先生泽东是这支队伍的前敌委员会书记,却并不是军头。他是个写过考察报告的政治家,不是领兵打仗的将军。而他带领的,也不是一支真正意义上的军队,而是一群农民、矿工、学生,和几个脱编军官。谁也不知道要打多久、往哪走、凭什么赢。

起义爆发于1927年9月9日,恰好是农历八月,即南方农民开始秋收的时期。以农业社会为基础的中国,农时往往与政治动员紧密相关。在乡村进行大规模动员和集结时,以秋收为代号,有掩护性,既像农业组织,也像政治行动。

秋收象征劳动、希望、果实,在政治话语中易于赋予收割旧制度播种新革命之类的象征意义;它和后来的春耕动员冬训整党等词汇一样,具有中共早期政治宣传中的一种农事化叙事逻辑,贴近农民群众语境。

在1927年起义当时,并无统一叫秋收起义的正式称谓,当时更多是称湘赣边界暴动湘南暴动攻长沙行动等。秋收起义一词是在毛成功上井冈山、建立根据地后,逐步回顾总结这段历史时确立的说法。它后来成为中共官方党史中的三大起义之一:南昌、秋收、广州,被固定下来。

起义的指挥机构是中共中央军事部与共产国际批准的,毛先生泽东被任命为前敌委员会书记。起义的目标是以湘赣边界,即萍乡、浏阳、平江为根据地,攻打长沙,建立政权。

毛先生的队伍是从几个方向临时拼凑的,有平江工农义勇军,是彭公达等人组织的农民武装,有安源矿工赤卫队,是受毛先生影响最深的工人武装。还有原国民革命军的改编部队,是部分军官带兵脱离的结果。最后还有学生、地方激进分子、边缘游民。

起义委员会设在文家市,起义计划分三路兵力。东路,由平江开始,彭公达领导,以工农武装为主,目标是攻入长沙北门。西路,从浏阳出发,由毛先生泽东、卢德铭带领,主要队员为安源矿工、脱编军人,目的是攻入长沙东门。而中路,是从萍乡,由袁文才、王佐带领,山区游击队为主,侧击长沙外围。

各部队之间无线通讯基本没有,依靠信使传令。毛先生泽东与卢德铭虽名义上指挥全局,但实际只控制自己那一路。农民、矿工、游击队之间训练水平极不一致,行动节奏不一。各地县城和乡镇有警戒,起义前就已泄露风声,被动应战。所以各种通信方式的监控一定是担心混乱的政权会重点关注的事情,telegram的founder也一直被重点观察,微信等更是不在话下。错案冤案有,但正常交流还是不需过度紧张,不要quote我。


8-3: 起义结果

起义部队原定9月15日前后会合攻城,结果中路与东路提前暴露,遭湖南军阀王天培部猛烈反扑。东路和平江方向的农民武装行动较早,于9月9日当天就动手。袁文才部因地形复杂、消息不畅,也选择提前出发。由于缺乏无线电通信、统筹协调,结果是各自为战、节奏错乱。毛与卢德铭虽然想等人齐再打,但根本等不到,就已暴露。

毛先生、卢德铭虽然试图保持计划的统一部署,但彭公达、袁文才等人在本地早已是红人,动员农会、召集队伍、储备武器时,根本做不到秘密行动。地方反动势力与地主武装早有耳目,起义前就有告密、军警加强戒备。据说,彭公达在平江动员时还公开贴传单、喊口号,等于提前通知敌人我们要造反。

四一二后,地方反动武装已经大清洗过一次农会,起义一开始就被盯死。一些农民组织刚恢复就又要暴动,地方警备队早就安排好等你来打。特别是长沙的王天培部,对几条进军路径有充分准备,甚至埋伏过路线。而毛派系一贯强调打土豪分田地,这对地主、宗族势力是巨大威胁。很多地方主动向长沙报信,称有红军准备造反、农会要武装暴动。加上此前湖南农民运动的激进作风,许多民团提前武装,主动出击。

9月15日,卢德铭在战斗中被湖南军队击中头部阵亡。毛先生的主力部队因道路问题被阻于长沙以东,未能及时进入外围阵地。由于兵力分散、武器不足、指挥混乱,整个攻城计划崩溃。9月19日,毛先生在文家市决定退兵。毛先生带队退至湖南浏阳文家市,召开文家市会议,否定继续攻打长沙的命令。他宣布撤离城市路线,向罗霄山脉转移,进入农村山区。毛先生第一次脱离中共中央指令,独立做除了军事政治决策。



8-1: The Eve of the Autumn Harvest Uprising

The five months between April 12, 1927, when Chiang Kai-shek launched the April 12 Purge, and September 9, when the Autumn Harvest Uprising began, were among the most chaotic, painful, and rapidly radicalizing periods for the Chinese Communist Party. ChatGPT suggests this can be understood as a sharp turn from the fantasy of a united front to the pursuit of armed seizure of power.

On April 12, 1927, Chiang Kai-shek launched a purge in Shanghai, massacring Communists and leftist organizations. Soon after, similar events took place in Hunan, Wuhan, Guangzhou, and other regions. Trade unions and peasant associations were disbanded. Countless grassroots cadres were arrested or killed. The Communist Party’s urban structure collapsed rapidly. Party morale was in disarray. Many could not understand how the revolution had suddenly failed—yesterday’s comrades had become today’s fugitives overnight. The most common emotions during this period were terror, confusion, anxiety, and hatred.

The Party was deeply divided. Should they flee or fight? The Chen Duxiu faction, centered around the Wuhan government, advocated maintaining the revolutionary united front and continuing cooperation with Wang Jingwei. They opposed launching an armed uprising immediately. But Chen was labeled a “rightist capitulationist” and was removed from his post as General Secretary in July. The Comintern, along with Zhou Enlai, Qu Qiubai, and others, believed in launching a counterattack. They advocated for armed uprisings across southern China. They emphasized the idea that “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun”—though at the time, this phrase had not yet been coined by Mao. It was becoming the Party’s mainstream position. This marked the CCP’s transition from propagating revolution to organizing insurrections.

Starting in mid-July, three major uprisings were planned. The Nanchang Uprising, on August 1, led by Zhou Enlai, He Long, Ye Ting, and others, was the first Communist counterattack with a military background. Although they briefly took Nanchang, it failed within five days. The Autumn Harvest Uprising, led by Mao Zedong, was organized in the border region of Hunan and Jiangxi, aiming to seize Changsha through a peasant rebellion. The last was the Guangzhou Uprising in December, planned by Zhang Tailei and Ye Jianying, which became the final large-scale urban insurrection. All three failed. But Mao was the only one who “turned the corner” in the aftermath—he gave up on the cities, embraced the countryside, and reorganized his forces. This was his turning point.

Mao had personally witnessed the April 12 incident in Shanghai. After escaping, he returned to Hunan. In May, he published an abridged version of the Report on the Peasant Movement in Hunan under the name of the Hunan Provincial Committee. Between June and July, he worked to revive peasant associations in Xiangtan and Anyuan, while secretly planning an uprising. In August, he was ordered to form the Frontline Committee for the Autumn Harvest Uprising and led his forces into the Hunan-Jiangxi border region. On September 9, the uprising officially began.


8-2: Details of the Uprising

The autumn rains had not yet arrived, but the air over the Hunan-Jiangxi border already felt as heavy as a well. On September 9, 1927, the Autumn Harvest Uprising officially broke out. It was a centrally approved strategic counteroffensive. On the surface, it had mobilization, command structures, and a roadmap. The goal was to march on Changsha, take Hunan, and establish a Soviet government.

In reality, however, the force had only just been assembled. Morale was shaky, and supplies of food and ammunition were insufficient. Mao Zedong was the Secretary of the Frontline Committee but not a military commander. He was a political figure known for writing investigative reports, not a general skilled in battlefield tactics. Moreover, the force he led was not a conventional army—it consisted of peasants, miners, students, and a few officers who had broken away from the National Revolutionary Army. No one knew how long the fighting would last, where to go, or what chance they had of winning.

The uprising broke out on September 9, 1927, during the eighth lunar month, which marked the beginning of the autumn harvest season in southern China. In an agricultural society, farming cycles were often tied to political mobilization. Using “Autumn Harvest” as a code name provided camouflage—it could be interpreted as an agricultural operation rather than a political movement.

The term “Autumn Harvest” symbolized labor, hope, and harvest, making it easy to infuse with meanings like “reaping the old order, sowing the new revolution.” Like later slogans such as “spring plowing mobilization” and “winter training and party rectification,” it reflected the CCP’s agrarian narrative style and resonated with the language of rural populations.

At the time of the uprising, there was no unified name like “Autumn Harvest Uprising.” It was more often referred to as the “uprising on the Hunan-Jiangxi border,” the “Southern Hunan uprising,” or simply “the assault on Changsha.” The name “Autumn Harvest Uprising” was adopted later, after Mao succeeded in establishing a base on Jinggangshan and began summarizing the experience. It was eventually enshrined in the CCP’s official history as one of the “Three Major Uprisings”: Nanchang, Autumn Harvest, and Guangzhou.

The uprising was approved by the CCP Central Military Commission and the Comintern. Mao Zedong was appointed Secretary of the Frontline Committee. The plan was to use the border region of Hunan and Jiangxi—specifically Pingxiang, Liuyang, and Pingjiang—as the base, march on Changsha, and establish a revolutionary regime.

Mao’s troops were assembled from multiple sources. The Pingjiang Workers’ and Peasants’ Volunteer Army was a peasant militia organized by Peng Gongda. The Anyuan miners’ Red Guards were a worker militia strongly influenced by Mao. Some former officers from the National Revolutionary Army defected with their units. There were also students, local radicals, and fringe elements.

The uprising headquarters was set up in Wenjiashi, and the plan involved three advancing forces. The eastern column, led by Peng Gongda from Pingjiang, aimed to enter Changsha from the north. The western column, led by Mao and Lu Deming from Liuyang, consisted mostly of miners and former soldiers and was to approach from the east. The central column, led by Yuan Wencai and Wang Zuo from Pingxiang, was made up of mountain guerrillas and was to flank Changsha from the outskirts.

There was no wireless communication. Orders were relayed by couriers. Mao and Lu Deming, though nominally in charge, could only directly command their own unit. The peasants, miners, and guerrillas varied greatly in training and moved at different paces. Local towns and counties were already on alert. The plan had been leaked before the action began, and the troops were forced to react passively.


8-3: The Outcome of the Uprising

The troops originally planned to converge around September 15 to launch a coordinated assault on Changsha. However, both the central and eastern columns were exposed prematurely and faced fierce counterattacks from Hunan warlord Wang Tianpei’s forces. The peasant militias in Pingjiang initiated action as early as September 9. Yuan Wencai’s unit, due to complex terrain and poor communication, also moved ahead of schedule. Without wireless radios or centralized coordination, the result was a disjointed and chaotic advance. Mao and Lu Deming had hoped to wait for the others, but there was no time—they had already been exposed.

Mao and Lu Deming tried to maintain a unified plan, but figures like Peng Gongda and Yuan Wencai were already well-known locally. Their efforts to mobilize peasant associations, gather troops, and store weapons made secrecy impossible. Local reactionary forces and landlord militias had long had informants, and reports of impending rebellion had reached government ears well before the uprising. It is said that Peng Gongda even posted flyers and chanted slogans in Pingjiang, essentially announcing the revolt to their enemies.

After the April 12 purge, local reactionary forces had already cracked down on peasant associations. When the uprising began, these groups were under heavy surveillance. Some peasant organizations had only just been revived and were immediately asked to rebel again. The local militias had already set up ambushes. Wang Tianpei’s troops in Changsha had prepared for every possible route of attack. Mao’s faction had long emphasized class struggle and land redistribution, which directly threatened landlords and clan networks. Many locals reported to Changsha in advance, warning of “Red Army” insurgents and armed peasant associations. Given the previous radicalism of the Hunan peasant movement, many militia groups armed themselves preemptively and launched attacks on their own.

On September 15, Lu Deming was killed in battle by a headshot from Hunan forces. Mao’s main column was blocked east of Changsha due to poor road conditions and could not reach the city’s outskirts. The assault collapsed due to scattered forces, insufficient weaponry, and poor coordination.

On September 19, Mao decided to retreat. He led his troops to Wenjiashi in Liuyang, Hunan, and held what became known as the Wenjiashi Conference. He rejected the order to continue attacking Changsha. He announced a withdrawal from the urban strategy and a shift toward the Luoxiao Mountains, entering the rural hinterlands. This marked the first time Mao disobeyed a central directive and made an independent military and political decision.

sunnyspaceundefined@duck.com

website designed by Daiga Shinohara

©2025 Double Take Film, All rights reserved

I’m an independent creator born in 1993 in Changsha, now based in California. My writing started from an urgent need to express. Back in school, I often felt overwhelmed by the chaos and complexity of the world—by the emotions and stories left unsaid. Writing became my way of organizing my thoughts, finding clarity, and gradually, connecting with the outside world.


Right now, I’m focused on writing and filmmaking. My blog is a “real writing experiment,” where I try to update daily, documenting my thoughts, emotional shifts, observations on relationships, and my creative process. It’s also a record of my journey to becoming a director. After returning to China in 2016, I entered the film industry and worked in the visual effects production department on projects like Creation of the Gods I, Creation of the Gods II, and Wakanda Forever, with experience in both China and Hollywood. Since 2023, I’ve shifted my focus to original storytelling.


I’m currently revising my first script. It’s not grand in scale, but it’s deeply personal—centered on memory, my father, and the city. I want to make films that belong to me, and to our generation: grounded yet profound, sensitive but resolute. I believe film is not only a form of artistic expression—it’s a way to intervene in reality.

我是93年出生于长沙的自由创作者。我的写作起点来自一种“必须表达”的冲动。学生时代,我常感受到世界的混乱与复杂,那些没有被说出来的情绪和故事让我感到不安。写作是我自我整理、自我清晰的方式,也逐渐成为我与外界建立连接的路径。


我目前专注于写作和电影。我的博客是一个“真实写作实验”,尽量每天更新,记录我的思考、情绪流动、人际观察和创作过程。我16年回国之后开始进入电影行业,曾在视效部门以制片的身份参与制作《封神1》《封神2》《Wankanda Forever》等,在中国和好莱坞都工作过,23年之后开始转入创作。


我正在重新回去修改我第一个剧本——它并不宏大,却非常个人,围绕记忆、父亲与城市展开。我想拍属于我、也属于我们这一代人的电影:贴地而深刻,敏感又笃定。我相信电影不只是艺术表达,它也是一种现实干预。

sunnyspaceundefined@duck.com

website designed by Daiga Shinohara

©2025 Double Take Film, All rights reserved

I’m an independent creator born in 1993 in Changsha, now based in California. My writing started from an urgent need to express. Back in school, I often felt overwhelmed by the chaos and complexity of the world—by the emotions and stories left unsaid. Writing became my way of organizing my thoughts, finding clarity, and gradually, connecting with the outside world.


Right now, I’m focused on writing and filmmaking. My blog is a “real writing experiment,” where I try to update daily, documenting my thoughts, emotional shifts, observations on relationships, and my creative process. It’s also a record of my journey to becoming a director. After returning to China in 2016, I entered the film industry and worked in the visual effects production department on projects like Creation of the Gods I, Creation of the Gods II, and Wakanda Forever, with experience in both China and Hollywood. Since 2023, I’ve shifted my focus to original storytelling.


I’m currently revising my first script. It’s not grand in scale, but it’s deeply personal—centered on memory, my father, and the city. I want to make films that belong to me, and to our generation: grounded yet profound, sensitive but resolute. I believe film is not only a form of artistic expression—it’s a way to intervene in reality.

我是93年出生于长沙的自由创作者。我的写作起点来自一种“必须表达”的冲动。学生时代,我常感受到世界的混乱与复杂,那些没有被说出来的情绪和故事让我感到不安。写作是我自我整理、自我清晰的方式,也逐渐成为我与外界建立连接的路径。


我目前专注于写作和电影。我的博客是一个“真实写作实验”,尽量每天更新,记录我的思考、情绪流动、人际观察和创作过程。我16年回国之后开始进入电影行业,曾在视效部门以制片的身份参与制作《封神1》《封神2》《Wankanda Forever》等,在中国和好莱坞都工作过,23年之后开始转入创作。


我正在重新回去修改我第一个剧本——它并不宏大,却非常个人,围绕记忆、父亲与城市展开。我想拍属于我、也属于我们这一代人的电影:贴地而深刻,敏感又笃定。我相信电影不只是艺术表达,它也是一种现实干预。

sunnyspaceundefined@duck.com

website designed by Daiga Shinohara

©2025 Double Take Film, All rights reserved

I’m an independent creator born in 1993 in Changsha, now based in California. My writing started from an urgent need to express. Back in school, I often felt overwhelmed by the chaos and complexity of the world—by the emotions and stories left unsaid. Writing became my way of organizing my thoughts, finding clarity, and gradually, connecting with the outside world.


Right now, I’m focused on writing and filmmaking. My blog is a “real writing experiment,” where I try to update daily, documenting my thoughts, emotional shifts, observations on relationships, and my creative process. It’s also a record of my journey to becoming a director. After returning to China in 2016, I entered the film industry and worked in the visual effects production department on projects like Creation of the Gods I, Creation of the Gods II, and Wakanda Forever, with experience in both China and Hollywood. Since 2023, I’ve shifted my focus to original storytelling.


I’m currently revising my first script. It’s not grand in scale, but it’s deeply personal—centered on memory, my father, and the city. I want to make films that belong to me, and to our generation: grounded yet profound, sensitive but resolute. I believe film is not only a form of artistic expression—it’s a way to intervene in reality.

我是93年出生于长沙的自由创作者。我的写作起点来自一种“必须表达”的冲动。学生时代,我常感受到世界的混乱与复杂,那些没有被说出来的情绪和故事让我感到不安。写作是我自我整理、自我清晰的方式,也逐渐成为我与外界建立连接的路径。


我目前专注于写作和电影。我的博客是一个“真实写作实验”,尽量每天更新,记录我的思考、情绪流动、人际观察和创作过程。我16年回国之后开始进入电影行业,曾在视效部门以制片的身份参与制作《封神1》《封神2》《Wankanda Forever》等,在中国和好莱坞都工作过,23年之后开始转入创作。


我正在重新回去修改我第一个剧本——它并不宏大,却非常个人,围绕记忆、父亲与城市展开。我想拍属于我、也属于我们这一代人的电影:贴地而深刻,敏感又笃定。我相信电影不只是艺术表达,它也是一种现实干预。