Created on
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19
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2026
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16
Updated on
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29
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2026
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52
Location
Oakland, CA
Communication Studies (vi): Where did it start?
传播学(vi): 怎么开始的?
写在前面:接上篇,本文和chatgpt合作完成。
最先开始传播 gossip 的人,通常并不是“最坏的人”,而是最依赖非正式结构生存的人。这是理解 gossip 机制的关键判断点。
这类人的共同特征在于:他们的位置并非由清晰的角色、可验证的能力或制度性授权支撑,而是高度依赖关系网络、情绪连接与信息优势。在结构稳定时,这种位置是安全的;但一旦结构开始松动,出现上升者或重排信号,他们往往最先感到威胁。对他们而言,gossip 不是道德选择,而是一种位置防御工具。
从心理层面看,这类人对“比较”极其敏感。他们关注的并不是事实本身,而是持续扫描相对位置的变化:谁被更多人注意,谁开始被更认真地对待,谁绕过了自己建立直接连接。当他们意识到自己正在失去解释权或中介地位时,会迅速产生强烈的不安。更新自我叙事的成本太高,于是他们选择成本最低的方式——提前污染对方的解释空间。
从能力结构上看,最先传播 gossip 的人,通常并不具备在公开场域竞争的优势。他们不擅长用作品、成果或逻辑说话,却非常擅长读取情绪、判断风向、操作关系。这使他们对非正式传播格外熟练。他们知道哪些话不能说,哪些话只说一半最有效;知道对谁说、什么时候说、说到什么程度就该停。这不是一时冲动,而是长期练习形成的直觉。
还有一个关键条件:他们往往处在“边缘但自认为接近核心”的位置。完全边缘的人没有传播能力,真正的核心人物也不需要 gossip。最容易率先行动的,是那些靠近核心、却缺乏正式授权的人。一旦他们感觉自己可能被替代、被绕过或被重新排序,gossip 就会被激活,用来证明“问题在别人身上,而不是结构正在变化”。
在动机层面,最先传播 gossip 的人,几乎一定会用“关心”“提醒”“我只是觉得有点不对劲”来包装自己的行为。这并非单纯的伪善,而是一种必要条件。因为 gossip 的第一步不是传播内容,而是合法化讨论对象本身。只有当“谈论某个人”被塑造成合理行为,后续的传播才有空间展开。因此,真正的起点往往不是指控,而是一句模糊的不安。
同样重要但常被忽视的一点是:这类人通常非常害怕被直接对质。他们选择 gossip,正是因为它去中心化、无源头、不可追责。一旦被点名,他们会迅速退回“我也是听说”“我也是担心”的位置。这种结构性的退路,是他们敢于率先行动的前提。
因此,最先传播 gossip 的人,并不是因为掌握了真相,而是因为他们最早意识到旧秩序正在失效,而新秩序尚未到来。他们对变化的嗅觉极其灵敏,但处理变化的方式是保守而防御性的。他们并不推动结构更新,而是试图拖慢变化、拉回既有秩序、污染上升者的路径。
值得注意的是,这类人并不迟钝,恰恰相反,他们对环境变化异常敏感。他们很早就能察觉到一些细微信号:注意力开始重新分配,话语权出现漂移,连接路径发生绕行,原本默认的中介角色不再被需要。这些变化在正式层面尚未成形,但在关系层面已经开始发酵。许多人要等到结果出现才意识到结构变了,而他们在“趋势阶段”就已经感到不对劲。
问题不在于他们看不见变化,而在于他们无法承受变化带来的身份不确定性。当旧秩序仍然有效时,他们的位置哪怕不强大,至少是清晰而稳定的。但一旦旧秩序松动,新秩序尚未确立,他们会短暂地坠入一个真空区:过去的标签开始失效,未来的位置却无法预测。对这类人来说,这种真空本身就是威胁,甚至比明确的失败更难忍受。
在这种状态下,通常只剩下两条路径。一条是推动结构更新,接受新的排序逻辑,用新的标准重新证明自己;另一条是阻止变化完成,让旧秩序“多活一会儿”。前者需要能力、资源和心理承受力,后者只需要关系网络和一点语言技巧。于是他们几乎必然选择后者,而 gossip 正是这种选择的自然结果。
需要强调的是,这种行为并不总是经过清晰的理性计算。很多时候,它更像一种本能反应——先把不确定的东西按回原位。通过制造关于上升者的模糊负面叙事,他们试图让环境重新变得“可解释”。一旦上升者被标记为“有问题”“不稳定”“需要观察”,结构就获得了一个临时借口,可以推迟对变化的正式承认。这并非为了彻底否定对方,而是为了延缓由变化引发的重排。
这也是为什么 gossip 的目标往往不是能力最强的人,而是那些正在改变、但尚未被正式确认的人。已经稳固的人不需要被污染,真正弱势的人也不值得花力气。只有处在跃迁阶段、身份尚未被锁定的人,才是最有效的干预对象。对传播者而言,这是风险最低、潜在收益却最大的时点。
从这个角度看,gossip 本质上是一种时间策略。它的目的并不是取胜,而是拖延。拖到什么程度并不重要,只要拖到不确定性重新被封装起来,哪怕是以错误的方式。对他们来说,错误的确定性,也比真实的不确定性更容易承受。
因此,说他们“不推动结构更新”,并不是指他们缺乏感知变化的能力,而是指他们没有能力或意愿承担变化的代价。他们的防御性并非源自对真相的关心,而是源自对失去位置的恐惧。污染上升者的路径,并不是因为对方真的有问题,而是因为对方的存在本身,已经暴露了旧秩序不再可靠这一事实。他们不是在判断对错,而是在试图让世界重新变得熟悉。
至于参与传播 gossip 的人,大多数并非主动的操纵者,而是在结构不确定中寻找安全感的人。他们的参与更多是顺应,而非发起。
在结构动荡、评价标准模糊的阶段,gossip 为许多人提供了一种快速、低风险的“站位方式”。他们往往并不认为自己在作恶,而是把转述理解为分享、提醒或关系维护。正因为如此,gossip 的扩散并不是靠少数坏人完成的,而是靠一群在不确定中选择安全选项的人共同完成的。
它之所以顽固,并不是因为它有多强的说服力,而是因为它精准满足了许多人对位置、安全感与归属感的需求。
Preface: Following the previous article, this piece was completed in collaboration with ChatGPT.
Those who initiate gossip are usually not “the worst people,” but rather those who are most dependent on informal structures for their survival. This is the key analytical point.
Such individuals share a common trait: their position is not supported by clearly defined roles, demonstrable competence, or formal institutional authorization. Instead, it relies heavily on relationship networks, emotional bonds, and informational advantage. When structures are stable, their position feels secure. But when the structure begins to loosen—when signals of upward movement or reordering appear—they are often the first to feel threatened. For them, gossip is not a moral choice; it is a defensive tool for protecting position.
At the psychological level, these individuals are extremely sensitive to comparison. They are not primarily tracking facts, but continuously scanning relative positioning: who is receiving more attention, who is being taken more seriously, who is starting to bypass them to form direct connections. When they sense that they are losing interpretive authority or intermediary status, intense anxiety follows. Rewriting their own narrative is costly, so they choose the lowest-cost option available—preemptively contaminating the interpretive space around the other person.
From the perspective of capability structure, those who first spread gossip typically lack advantages in open, public arenas. They are not skilled at competing through work, outcomes, or logic, but they are highly adept at reading emotions, sensing shifts in momentum, and operating relationships. This makes them particularly fluent in informal transmission. They know what cannot be said, what is most effective when only half-said; they know whom to tell, when to tell them, and exactly when to stop. This is not impulsive behavior, but intuition formed through long practice.
Another crucial condition is that they often occupy a position that is peripheral yet perceived by themselves as close to the core. Those fully on the margins lack the capacity to spread gossip, and those truly at the center have no need for it. The most volatile actors are those who are near the core but lack formal authorization. Once they sense they may be replaced, bypassed, or reordered, gossip is activated to demonstrate that “the problem lies with the other person, not with a changing structure.”
In terms of motivation, those who initiate gossip almost always package their behavior as “concern,” “a reminder,” or “something that just feels a bit off.” This is not merely hypocrisy; it is a structural requirement. The first step of gossip is not the transmission of content, but the legitimization of the subject as discussable. Only once talking about someone is framed as reasonable can further circulation occur. As a result, the true starting point is rarely an accusation, but a vague unease.
Another often overlooked point is that such individuals are usually deeply averse to direct confrontation. They choose gossip precisely because it is decentralized, source-less, and unaccountable. When confronted directly, they retreat immediately to positions like “I also just heard it” or “I was only worried.” This structural exit route is what enables them to act first.
Thus, those who initiate gossip do so not because they possess the truth, but because they are the first to sense that the old order is failing while the new one has yet to arrive. Their sensitivity to change is acute, but their response to it is conservative and defensive. Rather than pushing structural renewal forward, they attempt to slow it down, pull it back, or contaminate the path of those who are rising.
Importantly, these individuals are not dull—quite the opposite. They are highly attuned to environmental shifts. They detect subtle signals early: attention being redistributed, discursive authority drifting, connection paths being rerouted, intermediary roles no longer being required. These changes may not yet be visible at the formal level, but they are already fermenting within relational space. Many people only recognize structural change after outcomes appear; these individuals sense it at the trend stage.
The problem is not that they fail to see change, but that they cannot tolerate the identity uncertainty it produces. When the old order holds, their position—though perhaps not powerful—is at least stable and legible. Once that order loosens and the new one has not yet solidified, they briefly fall into a vacuum: past labels lose validity, and future positions remain unpredictable. For them, this vacuum itself is threatening, often more so than explicit failure.
In such moments, only two paths remain. One is to push structural renewal forward, accept new sorting logics, and re-establish one’s position under new standards. The other is to prevent the change from completing, allowing the old order to “live a little longer.” The former requires ability, resources, and psychological endurance; the latter requires only relationship networks and modest linguistic skill. Unsurprisingly, most choose the latter, and gossip is its natural outcome.
It is important to note that this behavior is not always the product of clear, rational calculation. Often it functions as an instinctive response: forcing uncertainty back into familiar form. By generating vague negative narratives around those who are rising, they attempt to make the environment feel “explainable” again. Once an upward-moving individual is labeled as “problematic,” “unstable,” or “requiring observation,” the structure gains a temporary justification to delay formal recognition of change. This is not about fully discrediting the other person, but about postponing the reordering that change demands.
This explains why gossip rarely targets the strongest individuals. Those already stabilized do not need to be polluted, and those clearly weak are not worth the effort. The most efficient targets are those in transition, whose identities have not yet been locked in. For the propagator, this moment offers the best cost-benefit ratio: low risk with potentially high return.
From this angle, gossip is fundamentally a time strategy. Its goal is not victory, but delay. The degree of delay is irrelevant; all that matters is postponing uncertainty long enough for it to be repackaged— even incorrectly. For these actors, false certainty is preferable to genuine uncertainty.
Therefore, saying that they “do not push structural renewal” does not mean they lack the ability to perceive change. It means they lack the capacity or willingness to bear its cost. Their defensiveness stems not from concern for truth, but from fear of losing position. Polluting the path of those who rise is not driven by the target’s actual flaws, but by the fact that the target’s existence exposes the unreliability of the old order itself. They are not adjudicating right and wrong; they are attempting to make the world feel familiar again. Gossip is the tool they use to resist an unfamiliar future.
As for those who participate in spreading gossip, most are not deliberate manipulators, but individuals seeking security amid structural uncertainty. Their participation is more often adaptive than initiating.
In periods of instability, when evaluative standards are unclear, gossip offers many people a fast, low-risk way to “take a position.” Most participants do not believe they are doing harm; they understand their actions as sharing, warning, or maintaining relationships. For this reason, gossip does not spread through the actions of a few malicious actors, but through a collective of individuals choosing safety in the face of uncertainty.
Its persistence does not lie in its persuasive power, but in how precisely it satisfies widespread needs for position, security, and belonging.
