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2026
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Updated on
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2026
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Location
Oakland, CA
Minneapolis (III): “Reforms” That Change the Language, Not the Substance
明尼阿波利斯 (III): 换汤不换药的改革
写在前面:本文和chatgpt合作完成。
进入20世纪后半叶直到今天,Minneapolis 并未经历一次明确而彻底的结构性转向,而更像是在同一套空间与权力逻辑之上,不断叠加新的政策语言与治理工具。变化并非不存在,但它们更多发生在表述方式、技术手段和制度外观上,而决定资源流向、空间优先级与治理对象的底层机制,则呈现出高度的历史连续性。语言在更新,结构却被长期保留。
在20世纪中后期,“城市更新”取代了更直白的“清理贫民区”表述。1950—1970年代,Twin Cities 地区高速公路与再开发项目共导致数万名居民被迫迁移,其中受影响最集中的往往是已被红线化、政治动员能力较弱的社区 [注1]。在 Minneapolis,尽管具体路径各异,但高速公路建设、公共设施选址与再开发项目在空间上呈现出高度选择性,噪音、污染、拆迁与土地贬值更频繁地落在北区及相邻区域。政策文本中的关键词从“效率”“通勤”转向“复兴”“再生”,但空间牺牲的方向性并未发生根本改变。
进入1990年代后,治理语言进一步升级为“多元”“包容”“机会公平”。Minneapolis 在2018年前后将种族公平正式纳入市政核心治理框架,并在《Strategic & Racial Equity Action Plan》及《Minneapolis 2040 Comprehensive Plan》中明确提出缩小族裔差距的目标 [注2]。与此同时,城市层面逐步引入 Racial Equity Impact Analysis(REIA)、社区参与流程和指标化评估工具。然而,在实际运作中,这些工具更多用于评估既有政策的“影响分布”,而非直接触发资源配置规则的重写。社区参与往往发生在项目参数已被设定之后,不平等被量化、被报告,却较少与预算、土地或税基的根本调整直接挂钩。
2010年代以后,“公平”“反种族主义”“社会正义”成为政策文件中的高频词汇。Minneapolis 在文本密度与公开承诺上处于全国前列,但与之形成对照的是,真正决定空间命运的关键机制——住房金融、学区边界、警务权力结构与土地价值体系——大多只在边缘被调整,而未被系统性重构。结构被反复讨论,却很少被撬动。
住房金融是其中最具可量化证据的领域之一。尽管《公平住房法》已明确禁止歧视性贷款,HMDA 数据长期显示,Twin Cities 地区在按揭批准率、利率与贷款类型上仍存在显著族裔与空间差异。以北 Minneapolis 为例,黑人借款人的拒贷率持续高于白人借款人,且更可能被导向高利率或非传统贷款产品 [注3]。研究表明,这些差异并不能完全用收入或信用评分解释,而与历史红线区划和持续的风险定价逻辑高度相关 [注4]。
在这种背景下,住房被持续当作金融资产而非公共基础设施来对待。资本优先流向被认为“安全”“稳定”的区域,而北区即便出现改善信号,也往往以高度金融化的形式发生。2000年代前后,北 Minneapolis 曾被明确识别为掠夺性贷款与 mortgage flipping 的高发区域,国会听证与地方调查均记录了高利率、惩罚性条款与短期套利行为对社区稳定性的破坏 [注5]。
当违约或被迫出售发生时,外部投资者往往以明显低于长期价值的价格进入。随后进行的快速翻修,重点放在外观与可出租性,而非结构性修复。房屋在统计指标上“改善”,但社区层面的公共服务、学校资源与基础设施并未同步提升。最终,通过租金上涨或高价转售完成的价值兑现,多数被转移出社区。原居民若为租户,直接被价格挤出;若为业主,则在税负、维护成本与市场压力下被迫出售。增值由此难以转化为代际财富,而是在一次交易中被兑现并带走。
教育领域呈现出类似的结构稳定性。尽管明尼苏达的 K–12 教育经费以州层面公式为主,地方税基仍通过补充性 levy、家长筹资与社区资源制造显著差异。公开预算数据显示,Minneapolis 公立学校系统长期面临学生流失与财政压力,而郊区学区则拥有更稳定的税基与更高的生均可支配资源 [注6]。改革措施多集中在补充项目、专项拨款与择校机制,而非重构经费分配规则本身。
这些补充项目——如课后辅导、心理支持或试点课程——确实能在局部改善学生体验,但往往是短期、竞争性且不嵌入长期预算结构的。一旦项目结束,差距便迅速回弹。择校机制在形式上扩大了选择,却在实践中把结构性不平等转化为个体负担。研究显示,能够成功利用跨区入学或特许学校选项的家庭,通常已经具备更多信息、时间与交通资源,而资源最匮乏的学生反而更难承担这种选择成本 [注7]。
警务权力则是最频繁被讨论、却最难被重新定位的领域之一。2020年之后,Minneapolis 围绕警务改革进行了多轮制度性尝试,但在结构层面重构警务角色的努力屡遭政治与法律阻力。例如,2021年旨在重组公共安全架构的宪章修正案最终未获通过 [注8]。与此同时,警察预算在整体公共支出中保持相对稳定,而社会服务、心理健康与住房支持系统则长期资源不足。
结果是,警务体系被持续要求为住房不稳、精神健康危机、成瘾问题和公共空间失序等“非警务问题”兜底。这种角色错配既增加了执法冲突的概率,也掩盖了真正的责任链条。当问题被重新定义为“秩序问题”,政治讨论便集中于警察是否“做得够不够好”,而非为何社区长期处于高风险状态。
所有这些领域最终都指向土地价值这一底盘机制。被标记为“低效”的土地,更容易被当作实验场、缓冲区或牺牲区;被认定为“高潜力”的区域,则获得跨周期、持续性的政策托底。从工业时代的“效率”,到战后的“现代化”,再到近年的“创新”“宜居”“可持续”,术语不断变化,但判断标准始终围绕土地能否为既有权力结构提供稳定回报。
这种语言更新还具有模糊责任的效果。当不平等被描述为“复杂系统问题”或“需要长期管理的过程”,治理目标便从改变结果转向维持稳定。极端事件发生时,语言与现实之间的落差骤然显现,长期积累的不信任便会集中爆发。这正是 Minneapolis 反复成为冲突放大器的结构性背景之一。
[注1] 明尼苏达历史协会(MNHS)关于 Twin Cities 高速公路建设与社区迁移的历史统计与案例研究。
[注2] Minneapolis Strategic & Racial Equity Action Plan(2018)及 Minneapolis 2040 Comprehensive Plan(2019)。
[注3] HMDA(Home Mortgage Disclosure Act)按邮区/族裔划分的拒贷率与利率数据,2010s–2020s。
[注4] 学术研究关于历史 redlining 与当代信贷差异的量化分析(Twin Cities 样本)。
[注5] 美国国会关于掠夺性贷款的听证记录及北 Minneapolis 个案。
[注6] Minnesota House Research Department,《Minnesota School Finance》年度报告及 MPS 预算数据。
[注7] 关于择校、特许学校与资源分布的明州/全国性教育政策研究。
[注8] 2021 年 Minneapolis 公共安全宪章修正案投票结果与官方说明。
Preface: This article was co-created with ChatGPT.
From the latter half of the twentieth century to the present, Minneapolis has not undergone a clear or decisive structural turn. Instead, it has repeatedly layered new policy language and governance tools onto the same underlying spatial and power logics. Change has certainly occurred, but largely at the level of expression, technique, and institutional appearance. The deeper mechanisms that determine how resources are allocated, which spaces are prioritized, and who is governed have exhibited a striking degree of historical continuity. The language moves forward; the structure remains.
In the mid-to-late twentieth century, “urban renewal” replaced the more explicit language of “slum clearance.” Between the 1950s and 1970s, highway construction and redevelopment projects across the Twin Cities displaced tens of thousands of residents, with the greatest concentration of impact falling on communities that had already been redlined and possessed the least political leverage [Note 1]. In Minneapolis, while specific routes and projects varied, highways, public facilities, and redevelopment initiatives displayed a consistent spatial selectivity: noise, pollution, displacement, and land devaluation were more likely to be imposed on North Minneapolis and adjacent areas. Policy documents shifted their vocabulary from “efficiency” and “commuting” to “revitalization” and “renewal,” but the directional logic of spatial sacrifice did not fundamentally change.
By the 1990s, governance language evolved further toward “diversity,” “inclusion,” and “equal opportunity.” Around 2018, Minneapolis formally incorporated racial equity into the core of its municipal governance framework, explicitly articulating disparity-reduction goals in the Strategic & Racial Equity Action Plan and the Minneapolis 2040 Comprehensive Plan [Note 2]. At the same time, the city introduced tools such as Racial Equity Impact Analyses (REIA), structured community engagement processes, and indicator-based evaluations. In practice, however, these tools have more often been used to assess how existing policies distribute impacts rather than to trigger a rewriting of allocation rules themselves. Community participation typically occurs after key parameters have already been set. Inequality is measured, reported, and compared, but rarely translated directly into structural changes in budgets, land use, or tax bases. Procedural justice thus becomes a protective layer through which existing structures gain renewed legitimacy.
In the 2010s, “equity,” “anti-racism,” and “social justice” became high-frequency terms in policy documents. Minneapolis stands near the national forefront in terms of textual density and public commitments. Yet in contrast to this rhetorical leadership, the mechanisms that most decisively shape spatial outcomes—housing finance, school district boundaries, the structure of policing authority, and land valuation—have largely been adjusted only at the margins rather than systematically reconfigured. Structure is repeatedly discussed, but rarely pried open.
Housing finance offers one of the most empirically traceable examples. Although discriminatory lending is formally prohibited under fair housing law, HMDA data consistently show significant racial and spatial disparities in mortgage approval rates, interest rates, and loan types across the Twin Cities. In North Minneapolis, Black borrowers face persistently higher denial rates and are more likely to be steered toward high-interest or non-traditional loan products [Note 3]. Research indicates that these gaps cannot be fully explained by income or credit scores alone, and are strongly associated with historical redlining and ongoing risk-pricing logics [Note 4].
Within this context, housing continues to be treated primarily as a financial asset rather than as public infrastructure. Capital flows preferentially toward areas deemed “safe” and “stable,” while any signs of improvement in North Minneapolis tend to occur in highly financialized forms. In the early 2000s, North Minneapolis was explicitly identified as a hotspot for predatory lending and mortgage flipping, with congressional testimony and local investigations documenting the destabilizing effects of high interest rates, punitive loan terms, and short-cycle extraction on community stability [Note 5].
When foreclosure or forced sales occur, external investors often enter at prices well below long-term value. Subsequent renovations prioritize speed and surface-level upgrades over structural repair. Properties improve statistically, but community-level public services, school resources, and infrastructure do not rise in parallel. Value is ultimately realized through rent increases or high-price resale, with gains transferred out of the neighborhood. Renters are priced out directly; owner-occupants face rising tax burdens, maintenance costs, and market pressure that often force sale. Appreciation fails to become intergenerational wealth and is instead extracted in a single transaction.
Education displays a similar pattern of structural stability. Although Minnesota’s K–12 funding system is primarily driven by state-level formulas, local tax bases continue to generate substantial disparities through supplemental levies, parental fundraising, and community resources. Public budget data show that Minneapolis Public Schools has faced long-term enrollment decline and fiscal strain, while suburban districts benefit from more stable tax bases and higher per-pupil discretionary capacity [Note 6]. Reform efforts have focused largely on supplemental programs, targeted grants, and school choice mechanisms rather than on reworking the core distribution rules themselves.
These supplemental initiatives—after-school programs, mental health supports, pilot curricula—can improve student experience in specific contexts, but they are typically short-term, competitive, and detached from long-term budget structures. When programs end, gaps quickly re-emerge. School choice mechanisms appear to expand opportunity, yet in practice shift structural inequality onto individual households. Studies show that families best positioned to take advantage of open enrollment or charter options are those with greater access to information, time, transportation, and stability, while students most in need of systemic support face the highest barriers to participation [Note 7].
Policing authority is among the most frequently debated yet least structurally repositioned domains. Following 2020, Minneapolis undertook multiple attempts at police reform, but efforts to fundamentally restructure the role of policing encountered persistent political and legal resistance. In 2021, a charter amendment aimed at reorganizing public safety governance failed at the ballot [Note 8]. At the same time, police budgets have remained relatively stable within overall public spending, while housing, mental health, and social service systems remain chronically under-resourced.
As a result, policing is continually tasked with absorbing the consequences of housing instability, mental health crises, addiction, and public space disorder. This role mismatch increases the likelihood of confrontation while obscuring the true responsibility chain. Once problems are framed as matters of “order,” political debate narrows to whether police are performing adequately, rather than why communities remain structurally exposed to risk.
All of these domains ultimately rest on land value as the base mechanism. Land labeled “underperforming” is more easily designated as an experimental zone, buffer, or sacrifice area, while land deemed “high potential” receives long-term, cross-cycle policy support. From “efficiency” in the industrial era, to “modernization” after World War II, to today’s emphasis on “innovation,” “livability,” and “sustainability,” terminology changes, but evaluative criteria remain anchored to whether land can generate stable returns for existing power structures.
This linguistic evolution also diffuses responsibility. When inequality is framed as a “complex system problem” or a condition requiring long-term management, governance shifts from changing outcomes to maintaining stability. Conflict is absorbed into administrative narratives rather than triggering redistribution. When extreme events occur, the gap between language and lived reality becomes suddenly visible, releasing years of accumulated distrust in concentrated form. This is one of the structural reasons Minneapolis repeatedly functions as a conflict amplifier.
[Note 1]
Minnesota Historical Society (MNHS) documentation on postwar highway construction and urban renewal in the Twin Cities, including displacement estimates and community-level case studies from the 1950s–1970s. This includes analyses of how highway routing and redevelopment disproportionately affected redlined and politically marginalized neighborhoods.
[Note 2]
City of Minneapolis, Strategic & Racial Equity Action Plan (2018), and Minneapolis 2040 Comprehensive Plan (adopted 2019), which formally embed racial equity goals into citywide planning, housing, transportation, and land-use frameworks.
[Note 3]
Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) data, disaggregated by race and geography, showing persistent disparities in mortgage denial rates, interest rates, and loan product types in the Twin Cities metro area, including North Minneapolis, throughout the 2010s and early 2020s.
[Note 4]
Peer-reviewed academic research linking historical redlining maps to contemporary lending disparities, demonstrating that present-day differences in credit access and loan terms cannot be fully explained by income or credit score alone and remain correlated with historically designated “hazardous” areas.
[Note 5]
U.S. Congressional hearings and local investigative reports from the early 2000s identifying North Minneapolis as a focal area for predatory lending, mortgage flipping, and short-term extraction strategies, and documenting their destabilizing effects on homeownership and neighborhood wealth retention.
[Note 6]
Minnesota House Research Department, Minnesota School Finance reports, alongside Minneapolis Public Schools (MPS) budget documents and enrollment data, showing long-term fiscal pressure and student loss in MPS compared to more stable suburban districts with stronger local tax bases.
[Note 7]
Education policy research on school choice, open enrollment, and charter schools in Minnesota and nationally, indicating that access to choice mechanisms is uneven and often favors households with greater informational, logistical, and economic resources.
[Note 8]
2021 Minneapolis ballot results on the proposed public safety charter amendment, which sought to replace the Minneapolis Police Department with a Department of Public Safety, illustrating political and institutional barriers to structural reconfiguration of policing authority.
